European Razzia on African Agricultural Resources

In a recent interview on “TV5MONDE”, Guinean President Alpha Condé, whom a journalist was questioning about democracy in Africa, answered bluntly “Why Europeans do not teach democracy to Asian countries». For his part, Congolese President Joseph Kabila had a scathing reply to the Spiegel ONLINE journalist (http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/spiegel-interview-with-congo-president-joseph-kabila-a-1150521.html) who wanted to inform him that Germany has the idea to promote a Marshall Plan for the continent: “… as for the Marshall Plan or whatever it is, I don’t believe in that. Africans have been fed this kind of language for the last 50 years… “. There are many examples of African leaders who are annoyed by the perpetually haughty attitude of European leaders who taught lessons.

 Mr. Kabila has rightly pointed out that Europeans are simply looking for a way to curb the flow of refugees in large numbers for Europe fleeing poverty and hunger, which are reminiscent of the consequences of European colonization of Africa. This poverty may seem atypical in that the countries of our continent, which have been independent for more than half a century, are potentially rich in resources. But the African countries are the only ones to rely excessively on sales of their raw materials which are processed mainly in Europe. And, instead of diminishing with time, this anomaly continues to strengthen. The situation, which carries on for centuries, is not fortuitous but   the result of a plan skillfully carried out and maintained by European powers. There are many examples of the shields that the EU has developed over the past two decades, which are composed of norms and standards that have become practically independent of Codex, backed by well-studied technologies, that enable the EU to filter out the products that it willing to accept and to reject those that it does not desire on “regulatory bases” unassailable. This highly elaborate approach makes it possible for the caciques of Brussels, depending on how they appreciate that a government adhere or not to «their sibylline messages”, to gratifying one exporting country, or to penalize another, as they wish.

 But we can ask ourselves the reasons for this quasi-visceral dependence of Europeans on our agricultural resources. The explanation is perhaps to be found in the increasingly competitive turn of international trade, especially in the agro industrial sector, in addition to the unwillingness of our leaders to take their destiny into their hands. As a reminder, Switzerland, a rich country, experienced during the Second World War the pangs of food rationing and understood, like other European countries that depend on imports to cover their food needs, that this can be an enormous brake on the development. Of course, when you have the resources you need, you can trustily plan for the production of processed foods for local use and for export. This is what the Americans and Asians do and that the EU wants to compete by counting on a massive, continuous and cheap importation of African resources.

 We must not delude ourselves, our neighbors in the North will not let go of these vital resources that help maintain for their standard of living nor before the Americans or Chinese or anyone else foreign to the continent. Salvation will come, according to the saying “one is never so well served as by oneself”. We need to develop an African expertise of this sector to help its industrialization and the processing of our raw material resources on the spot.

African agro-industry at the time of choices

In its latest delivery the weekly magazine Der Spiegel International has released an editorial  signed by the editor-in-chief Klaus Brinkbäumer under the title: “Europe Must Defend Itself against a Dangerous President. The article is inflammatory to the new US president but largely reflects the opinion about Mr. Donald Trump elsewhere in the EU. What has attracted more attention from this blog is that the German official calls for the formation of an international coalition including Africa to counter the new tenant of the White House. To the extent that our continent essentially offers its agricultural raw materials for the moment to the rest of the world, it can legitimately be deduced from European appreciation that somewhere the new US administration would pose a risk to our agricultural sectors, vital to our countries. So, it may be useful to try to take a closer look, depending on the information available, if there are any specific hazards that the new Trump administration could pose on agricultural and / or agro-industrial activities in the African continent.

The recurrent temptation towards autarkic behavior has always characterized the United States because, in particular, everything they need, or almost, they have it on their own country-continent. Thus, during World War II, it took all of Churchill‘s tactical skill, plus the attack on Pearl Harbor, to decide the Americans to abandon their neutrality in the war that had been raging in Europe for two years. The English played a catalytic role in pushing the Americans into military conflict with the Germans at that time. At present, many indicators suggest that it is the French who are urging the Germans to take a commercially aggressive attitude towards the Americans.

According to convergent information, this began in the aftermath of the fall of the Berlin Wall. In order to “allow” German reunification, President Mitterrand insisted on, among other things, closer commercial ties with Germany within the EU by means of a single currency. As the Germans were in a delicate position, they eventually acquiesced to the requirement. They then provided a Herculean effort to push their citizens to swap their cherished Deutsche Mark for a shared Euro. Once done, the Germans showed, as always, a formidable ability to adapt to the new currency whose assembly made it cheaper than the Deutsche Mark and therefore advantageous for export. As a result, the Euro will prove to be a formidable Bonanza in terms of trade and boosted export performance of Germany. On the other hand, deprived of the possibility of a currency to be devalued in order to remain competitive, the countries of southern Europe had to resign themselves to undergo the industrial and commercial hegemony of the German power to the detriment of their industrial fabric which collapsed considerably afterwards. The case of France is more worrying because the country continues to see itself as a great global power. Great Britain had the same attitude until the early seventies. But after having been forced to resort to the IMF, like the poor countries, to get by, the English took the full measure of their new distress, rolled up their sleeves and went back to work instead to continue on a policy of annuity which usually characterizes the commercial relations of former masters with their ex-colonies. France has apparently not yet resolved to make this introspection and prefers to cling to the advantage that has hitherto given her the status of former colonial power over much of Africa. But the former metropolis realizes now that the perpetuation of this status vis-à-vis our continent is best served in being presented covered by the umbrella of the UE under the tutelage of Germany as Trump well stressed.

So, after having well seated the power of their export industry in the EU, and according to the saying the appetite comes by eating, the Germans had to push “their Euro” elsewhere in the world. But here, often the place was already taken by the Dollar. This prompted Mr. Peer Steinbrück, Federal Minister of Finance of the first government of Angela Merkel, to say that the Dollar aspired to 70% of the world’s savings. In other words, the Germans would not disdain to recover part of this saving which would arrange the affairs of monetary Europe, France first. And the continent where the Euro naturally found a relatively favorable position relative to the Dollar is obviously Africa given the volume of trade largely in favor of the old continent.

In fact, nowhere else is President Trump decried as much as in the countries of monetary Europe. Among all the evils of which it is overwhelmed, there is the assertion that it is a dictator, statement that refers to individuals like Idi Amin Dada or Jean-Bedel Bokassa for example. But considering the stature of the various centers of power legitimate in the US, which everyone knows, the qualifier is at least exaggerated if not irrelevant. It is accused of wanting to undermine the existing world order, especially for the multilateral rules of international trade. In fact, considering the discussions in the WTO that had reached an impasse, everyone has put theirs in this blockage, France among others. What is surprising is that in the reasoning of European officials, including the above-mentioned article, they are putting the EU on the same level as internationally statutorily disinterested structures like the UN, for example. It is at least confusion if not an imposture.

The reality, as I see it, is that the old continent has made its day and that he actually has not much more to offer to the rest of the world reason why pretty much everywhere in the world they are calling it the new Soviet Union. Indeed, this is annoying the EU officials and the European public at large. No growth, high unemployment and inflation of standards on everything and its opposite. It follows that within monetary Europe, they are terribly afraid of US competition, especially on the African continent that France sees largely as its pre-square. And indeed, Germany’s first Latin partner still maintains a comparatively commercial advantage in West Africa thanks to the various levers that have been in place since the colonial period and maintained regularly and on which the former metropolis continues its working. For us African, the arrival of the USA brings a new touch that would shake a little the current status quo which has not benefited the African countries so far.

The fact is that Germany as such, like Japan, has little to fear from competition with the US. Maybe even the opposite. However, it is highly probable that if the Americans came to settle in business on our continent, the fragility of the French position would soon appear in the open, especially in agro-industry.

The precious tears of the acacia

The acacia is endemic to the Saharan regions like the south of Morocco. This tree is known to give gum arabic whose international demand is largely above supply. This is because the food industry is greedy of this substance, known by code E414, which is incorporated into an unlimited range of food preparations as an additive for its qualities as emulsifying, stabilizing, thickening and so on. Gum arabic is also known for its uses in the manufacture of pharmaceutical, cosmetic and other products. It is harvested from the tree as natural exudates or caused mainly during the drought period. The sap hardens in the open air to form nodules sometimes called “tears of gold” in reference to their color. There is no known adverse effect of the substance on consumer health, which is why the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has classified this product on the GRAS (Generally Recognized As Safe) list, which implies that the substance is recognized as safe and its addition as a supplement in preparations of finished products does not need prior authorization, unlike other additives. It is a kind of green light for the export of this ingredient on the huge American market and other assimilated markets. This added to other properties like its ease of preparation and use make gum arabic a material particularly sought after by large international brokers. The volume exported annually is several tens of thousands of tons to the EU market where this commodity is “processed” for sale to end-users by means of juicy capital gains. As far as gum arabic generated in West Africa is concerned, France can be considered the big broker for the area. The country centralizes the gum from our regions and prepares it for export to industrialists from the rest of the world including the US market.

Indeed, our African dependence on Europe in particular for the development of our natural resources, first and foremost the PAM (Aromatic and Medicinal Plants), dates back several centuries and this fact is part of our socio-economic landscape at present. It might have been expected that the US would become more interested in the African continent after the Second World War, when America became the greatest Western power without question. But, presumably due to the choice of the US to contain the extension of the Soviet Empire as a matter of priority, the Americans had to leave the Europeans free on our continent. As a result, the former colonial powers, which have developed an intimate knowledge of the African economic potential, have designed and developed their positioning as an essential hub for the exploitation of the natural wealth of African countries. Acacia gum is one example among hundreds or thousands others.

The control of Europe over our basic wealth, well prepared and firm was probably designed to last very long. But the fall of the Berlin Wall will certainly have been a disruptive factor in this calculation. Indeed, this fall, the final result of the decay of the Soviet era, profoundly changed the paradigm that characterized the previous global equilibrium. The unrestrained race on the military field has shifted largely to the economic, especially agro-industrial, terrain. So if in the past the Americans were keen having to go through European intermediaries to buy raw materials from Africa or to sell us equipment and finished goods, they no longer can afford or want to do it today. There is no more justification for this “tithing” that they have to pay for each transaction they want to carry out with one or the other of our countries. Europeans on the continent have understood it and they are threatening now on their turn   to settle in Latin America, the usual pre-square of Uncle Sam.

This “battle” for economic and trade leadership, which has broken out between America and continental Europe since the 1990s, suddenly accelerated with the launch of the Euro that European officials had indicated their desire to see it supplant the Dollar. President Trump did not fail to remind them of this premeditation during one of his last interviews. In this respect, the “power struggle over Africa”, on a backdrop of valorization of its natural resources, has only just begun between the US and the EU. But in this type of tussle, there is not a winner and a loser but only a first and a following. The eventual loser in reality is Africa. Morocco can also lose some of its luster in the sense that he is perceived as an   African leader giving example to others on the way of the economic takeoff whereas it does not appear able to value the very large part of its natural resources, the acacia among others, to the benefit its own population first. In the case of gum arabic, this valorization means, more or less, collect the sap under correct conditions and then being able to crush and condition it. The Europeans do no better for perpetuating their cash economy on this substance by taking in the passage the greatest commercial added value on the distribution of this product to the international.

The instrumentalisation of ISO 17025

Among the essential sections that define the quality of a scientific article submitted for publication, there is the chapter “Materials & Methods” explaining the conditions of the protocol followed and the workflow. The major scientific journals are particularly demanding on this chapter, among which is the “European Journal of Physiology” in which I had the privilege of publishing an article in the past*. The instruments, equipment, materials, consumables, etc., and the various tools (statistical and other) used to conduct the tests to estimate errors and uncertainties inherent in any experimental work are also defined. This approach to the judicious work and the importance of conforming to it are still current because the lack of mastery of this arsenal makes meaningless any research work, or routine control and analysis, and of course cancels out the results that flow from. On the other hand, for considerations that now incorporate the commercial dimension, there has been a reformulation of the concept that is now called ISO 17025. In any case, it can be inferred that, prior to the opening of an analysis and control laboratory, the competent authorities shall ensure that the designated person responsible for the activity has in his / her curriculum mastery of the above – summarized under this denomination ISO 17025, before giving it the authorization to exercise. That is what is being done elsewhere in the world. In our case, this charge should normally go back to the CMC (Moroccan Accreditation Committee) which is empowered, according to “Law 12-06 on standardization, certification and accreditation”. In fact, this is not the case. In the absence of legislation specifically addressing the authorization to open a food testing laboratory, those interested in working in this area may enter this activity within two steps. First, they request the opening of a design office. Then, depending on the motivations of the individuals, a person can very well approach customers and offer them to do the analysis of their products. To “retain” these people, while guaranteeing the profitability of his operations, this person can also issue Analysis Bulletins (BA), possibly “cut according to the desire of the operator”.

In reality, there are very few food analysis laboratories in Morocco, maybe a dozen, compared to several hundred for medical analyzes for example. The fact that, in practice, state laboratories monopolize work on this niche, offering relatively low official prices, largely explains the investors’ lack of interest in this activity which is hardly profitable in the current state of affairs. There is also history that shows that the services of the repression of the frauds have always been very close to this sector, lucrative for them. Even today, under ONSSA (National Office for Food Safety), these services seem to have difficulty in limiting themselves to the role assigned to them by the Food Safety Law 28-07, i.e. to ensure the application of the Law while submitting themselves, for good example, to the traceability of their actions. The net result is that our expertise in general, and laboratory analyzes in particular suffer from an inadequacy (or lack thereof) of credibility and the information available to me shows that this is also the case elsewhere in Africa. While we have the aforementioned CMC, it is essentially foreign service providers, paid for their service, who accredit to the official laboratories of the State and set the private rules of certification that they impose us as in many other  African countries. Today it is ISO 17025 that is featured. Tomorrow, always in the interest of maintaining their monopoly over the different components of the expertise activity, it will be the turn for another standard set by these “credibility donors” according to their agenda and not that of Africa. Morocco, the African country with the greatest agri-food potential, has the duty to move on the front of the expertise to gain its independence in this register, a sine qua non condition if it really wants to take the continental leadership. This is what Moroccan officials keep repeating to the print and audiovisual press. Indeed, the credibility, on which one can establish his leadership, is not declared but gained by the force of the work and the example. There is still work to be done and Morocco can choose to erect it as a priority or simply to refer it to the Greek calendars and bury at the same time its chance to serve as an example to follow for the other African nations.

The case of post-war Japan could serve as an example. In the book by Nikos Kazantzakis, Travels: China-Japan, the author describes a devastated country where poverty and hunger were visible everywhere. Japan was flat and bloodless. But Japanese professionals have not given up. A Dutch engineer of that time, who worked for a British textile company, told me that in every trade show of the fifties where he had been, there were always Japanese. They came to the opening and left at the closing of the salon. They observe study, ask questions, and take notes and drawings of exposed machines. Six months later, they put on the market machines comparable or more efficient. At the end of the 1960s, just twenty years after the war, Japan was already a serious competitor in the textile industry.

This example should encourage reflection on the role of our country for Africa. After the Cop22, which the Kingdom organized successfully in record time, African nations have asked him, among others, to be their spokesman for the defense of the environment. This mark of confidence implies that Morocco is seen as a leader capable of implementing independent and credible expertise to enable reasoned opinions in the environmental field that can be used for the protection of African natural resources. These same natural resources have been used until today as a cash economy for many European countries. In this respect, if Morocco does not develop its own expertise, it must not count on the countries mentioned to offer him theirs against their own interests.

*: Essadki, A, J. ATKINSON (1981). Renin release by renin-depleted rats following hypotensive haemorrhage and anesthetics. Pfluegers Arch., 392: 56-50

Note: this work was unprecedented at the time

Amateurism at the top of ONSSA

End of this month of November took place from 22 to 26 the first edition of the JIED (International Study Days of Dakhla) under the theme: “Food Safety in the Service of South-South Cooperation”. European and American guests, along with their Maghreb colleagues, took part in this event, which was well attended by many African experts representing their different countries including Mauritania, Senegal, Cameroon, Burkina Faso, Benin, and Niger and so on. These days were concluded by the Dakhla Declaration, which warmly thanks the Moroccan organizers and welcomes the leadership role of the Kingdom of Morocco in developing South-South cooperation which benefits first and foremost the peoples of the African continent. The recommendations also call for continued efforts to develop African-African expertise based on the standards of reference organizations, including the Codex Alimentarius, which regulate international trade for the sector. African experts also ask their association AEFS (African Experts of Food Safety) to pool its efforts with ASDI (Saharan Association for Sustainable Development and the Promotion of Investment) and initiate the necessary steps towards a reciprocal recognition of African expertise with other continents in the same way as was established in Europe on the basis of the “Principe du cassis de Dijon“.

The demonstration would have been a perfect success if ONSSA (National Office for Food Safety) hadn’t deliberately chose to boycott the event except for a brief and fleeting appearance on the first day of a local service chief. The host African experts, responsible in their respective countries for food guardianship agencies, quickly noticed this absence. Some were even stunned to learn that the Director General of ONSSA, who was invited in the forms required by AEFS,

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and who had promised in phone communication to honor us with his presence, has decided to snub our present guests in an event that constitutes the center of ONSSA’s work. Not only did he not appear at this major event which aims to consolidate Dakhla’s place as a Moroccan Hub for South-South cooperation, according to the orientations of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, but obviously Mr. Bentouhami also prohibited its Staff from attending the JIED.

At the summit of the State, the call is made so that each self-respecting Moroccan official is involved in the policy of the Kingdom to move towards more South-South cooperation. As our sub-Saharan neighbors mainly trade in agro-food products, it is natural for Morocco to pay particular attention to cooperation in this sector, in which the organizations concerned, first and foremost among them ONSSA must be present. But is Mr. Bentouhami aware of the scope of the food safety issue in the policy of our country to serve as examples to our neighbors to the South? It is unfortunately permissible to doubt this. The following example (of our archives) of the work of amateur of Mr. Bentouhami:

A little more than a year ago, a company from the Place de Casablanca asked for my expert opinion on the refusal of import (that it considers unjustified) of one of its products (Cochineal carmine dye), from Latin America .

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After reviewing the file, it became clear to me that this was an arbitrary and abusive decision. I then write a note to the address of Mr. Bentouhami which is delivered to him by hand with a discharge.

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A few days later, the ONSSA services of the port of Casablanca called the freight forwarder of the company by telephone to ask him to come and retrieve the merchandise which became all of a sudden acceptable.

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But you know what they say: ridicule does not kill. On closer examination, the first refusal document (see under link) and the second acceptance document (see under link) can be superimposed in the sense that they are signed by the same persons, a few days apart , once for refusal and a second time for acceptance without further explanation, neither written nor oral. One can imagine the reverse, food products that enter Morocco on equally arbitrary bases. If it is not the height of amateurism, it resembles it very much. So what is the credibility of the organization ONSSA in all this under the direction of Mr. Bentouhami? Under other skies, the leader of such an authority would have resigned for less than that, and the “engineers” signing the documents would have been taken to disciplinary councils and dismissed for not being up to the job. But if Mr. Bentouhami didn’t do it, it seems to me, it is because, for him, it’s like water off a duck’s back. And the same goes for the boycott of the JIED.

The nebula of the accreditations in the service of EU agricultural

There are about ten years, a food operator of Fez to which the USFDA (US Agency for control of food and drugs) had refused to register one of its products for export, asked for my opinion on the case (my archives). The procedure FDA in force needs the industrial unit designate a person (expert) to which the company delegates the quality to perform the registration process of products on its behalf with the federal agency. The original document of power delegation must be sent at the same time as the filled registration dossier. In this case, the delegation was made to an official of the EACCE (Autonomous Establishment of Control and Coordination of Exports) which, instead of putting his name and his quality to the recording folder as required by the FDA regulations, indicated instead name of the EACCE. He probably thought, perhaps as they do with their counterparts on the other side of the Mediterranean, that he had an advantage to play. Moreover, examination of how the case was handled shows clearly that the official in question was new for such a work. This added to this was that the file in question was rejected by the US agency and the food unit had to resume, in such   uncomfortable position, the process from the start. It should be explained that the FDA says on its website that it preserves the right to bring to justice anyone guilty of giving fraudulent information. In the case at hand, the Moroccan State, by the lightness of an unconscious official, becomes virtually likely to be sued by the US authorities.

The FDA is now more than a century and, following the Second World War, attended many of regulatory agencies of European countries who, for some of them lost their archives and protocols, to resume operations on correct bases. This is probably why, when setting up their own agency EFSA (European Food Safety Agency), Mr. Romano Prodi, President of the EU Commission at the time, made the trip to Washington to see and draw their inspiration from the FDA experience. But if the consensus to implement EFSA was acquired, European countries were far from agreed on many points starting with where to put the headquarters of the European body. The French have fiercely defended their view to host the headquarters of the agency. The fact is that Italians (Romans) were precursors, centuries before Paris, for what has to do with food regulation. But if common sense and logic prevailed by awarding the EFSA headquarters to Parma in Italy, the French have given since signs of irritation and  act as  EFSA was of little importance. To date, the French prefer whenever they can put forward their national regulatory agencies in precedence over the European agency. Knowing that the French are Cartesian fundamentally, the question arises why this time blindness. The answer might come from the fact that playing the EFSA card in these circumstances would carry risk to the prestige of France in its former African colonies; before which the colonial metropolis has glorified for centuries the French expertise and know-how, the best you could have in the world. Indeed, assuming that France plays the game of promoting EFSA’s position, as required by the treaties of the EU, this means that French service providers, which abound in our latitudes, should promote EFSA’s image in priority. But then, once the promotional work done, a service provider of any other EU countries might do the trick, for example in the handling of files of food products export to the EU. France, on what she considers her “backyard” of African countries, and is still reluctant to consider even today otherwise than as “overseas territories” (my archives), would have to do work that benefit European citizens before its nationals without anything in return for the latters. In any event, this does not correspond to the image Metropolitan France has built on itself for centuries with its former colonies. So there is blockage. This contrasts clearly with US providers who promote FDA regulation regardless of the State of the Union to which they belong. But if we consider the issue from another angle, we have another image. For if the FDA rules must be respected for the entry of goods into the US market, and regardless of the input port; as regards the EU, it is the regulations of the country that first receives the goods that prevail. Like most goods Francophone Africa intended for the EU go mainly to France, or via France, the Metropolis, financially speaking, has everything to gain by continuing to highlight its own regulation before any other. But its European partners observe the process and they say: if the French do what they do why not us. Obviously, the choice between putting forward national legislation or that of the EFSA is agonizing for everyone. It seems highly likely that for “solving” this conundrum shared by all countries of the EU that a tacit consensus emerged for the massive promotion of private service providers in Africa. Across the continent, we have now consultancy firms, mostly French but also other EU countries, who are willing to certify you everything you want and its opposite to the extent that you have enough to pay. They have in common that all are accredited, something they have paid for, by a body or other in their own country, manage to not being accountable for their actions before anyone, and certainly not before the courts of African countries where they earn their money. They also have the solidarity of the EU countries to block any product that is not certified by one or other of these well instructed agents. Best of all, a Moroccan body but vestige of the protectorate, i.e. the EACCE, which has simply made the change in the title, that ensures in Morocco the implementation of these requirements that agricultural EU imposes on us and other African countries outside reference standards for International trade.

An example, from my archives, illustrates anarchy and lack of credibility of offices that are active here, and certainly the same in other African countries, in the field of certification and how they use EACCE in Morocco for serving their purpose. Just a few years ago an operator of Marrakech has requested my assistance in the certification of its argan oil of food grade. Morocco has, once is not custom, a norm for this article. During my working visit, the operator informs me, in essence, that he already exports the product he wanted but certified under “cosmetic label”. Seeing my surprise, he informed me that such a solution was found for him by a French consultant who certified the product and found a buyer of Paris for his article. Once the client receives the product, he simply changes the labeling. The product exported under seemingly cosmetic label becomes so a food. To my question about the role of EACCE in this, his response was that when a responsible of this organism sees the signing of a French certification, the product passes as a letter in the mail.

Now if we look at the web sites of ONSSA and EACCE, it seems like they got the same prerogatives (see web sites: http://www.onssa.gov.ma/ and http://www.eacce.org.ma/) on what is relating to food safety. The problem is that the action of the EACCE follows that of ONSSA at the time of preparation of the export operation. So, whatever the angle of view by which we can consider this imbroglio, it appears that the intervention of the EACCE undermines the prerogatives of ONSSA and, consequently, is antithetical to the same law that puts all national food chain under the authority of ONSSA. Unless you consider that, contrary to the spirit and letter of the law 28-07 of safety of food products in force, national food processors prepare products for us Moroccans for which notice of ONSSA is sufficient and products intended for export for which a “review” by EACCE is required. If that were the case, this vision would at least have the merit of being consistent with the Viziriel Order of 1944 establishing « Technical Control of Manufacturing and Packaging of  the Exportation of Morocco » (Original mission of the current EACCE).

When the law is progressing while the practices regress

Originally, the national legislation on food safety was bicephalous. Anti-fraud units took care of the internal market and  EACCE (Autonomous Establishment of Control and Coordination of Exports) made sure of the quality of food products exported to Europe, essentially to France which qualify to the unworthiness for imposing in Morocco in the past the creation  of that organism. In sum, Moroccans can eat what was offered them but the French had the privilege to choose. In this context, the enactment of the 28-07 law on food safety was a big progress by imposing the same rules to be respected by operators regardless of the destination of the produced commodities for local consumption or for export. Accordingly, there is no valid reason for maintaining the EACCE. But if he is still there, it is highly likely, in my opinion, whether as a result of the will of foreign contractors, France in particular, which must insist that EACCE remains its key contact for exported products. This situation harms our efforts to upgrade the national agro-industrial sector and sabotages the brand image that we want to brandish as a model to serve the interests of other African countries. At the same time, as a sneaky approach, this way of doing slows dangerously efforts of Morocco for his quest to play a positive role on African continent so to help African countries in focusing on the upgrading of quality of food products as an essential factor for getting out of underdevelopment.

Before the adoption of the HACCP (Hazard Analysis Critical Control Points), food quality was “measured” by controlling samples of finished products. Once food articles are produced samples are taken and checked for physicochemical and microbiological characteristics (including tests for stability of products) and if regulatory controls were satisfactory, the products are released in commercial circuits. But experience worldwide has shown, among other things, that the overwhelming majority of foods are effectively “released” after the control of end products. For example, the operators remake several times controls and they keep in their archives only analyzes that have yielded the desired results to justify the release of their products commercially. For this reason, the new Moroccan regulation, like other laws throughout the world, adopted HACCP as a new standard to measure the quality of food products. Clearly, the 28-07 law requires operators the introduction of an HACCP approach in their preparation units and / or food processing. This principle, applied to industrial canning, implies that those operators must, among other things, define with an expert a scheduled process for their products. They also must keep in their archives during the commercial life of the product sold, the entire manufacturing file of the food in question to show to the competent authorities in case of need. This requirement is of the same level as that imposed to drug manufacturers by the Ministry of Health. Of course, among the elements typically contained in the production folder there are settings that affect the different calibrations and cleaning operations and maintenance of autoclaves for good working.

On another level, there are now no regulatory obligations agribusiness industrialists to recruit graduate engineers in their enterprises as is the case in other countries of the world to which we compare ourselves. By comparison, a pharmaceutical unit cannot be allowed without the recruitment of pharmacists. As a result, operators can sometimes be careless in terms of maintenance, for example. In this regard, the Moroccan industrials working with autoclaves type «Barriquand”, a high-pressure retort which trickles hot water through openings fitted in the equipment on the cans to sterilize, which constitute the majority here in Morocco, who neglect maintenance operations (and there are many) may see some water runoff holes that become clogged with fat that accumulates by repeated work on fish or olives or other products that generate greasy substances. The tins which are then below the clogged holes do not receive sufficient heat to sterilize the product which leads to later swelling boxes by microbial growth. The potential European buyer of such goods informs authorities of his remarks who pass the comments on to the EACCE. We all understood now that something is wrong at the plant that must be corrected and that there are two ways to proceed. The first, rational and professional, is to review, as advocated by the HACCP, all elements of the manufacturing process to pinpoint the faulty component and fix it. The second approach, invented by some Moroccan inspectors, is to order the manufacturer to keep the finished product to its level for a few weeks’ time to see if improperly sterilized cans swell. He must put aside defective cans for destruction and submit to the EACCE only the cans that were not inflated. In this unhealthy gaming, the operator loses up to a month waiting to sell his goods or, the other way, will never know where the problem is. Outsourcers have found material to maintain their suspicion on the “Made in Morocco”. The prize goes to officials of the EACCE who have once again found a way to make cheesy, poorly, work by operators making them at the same time less competitive.

The “Brexit” may be good for Africa

An infant depends on suckling from his mother. Optionally, it can settle for a bottle. But when it comes time to wean, he can go through a severe resistance that all parents have experimented. The colonial powers live a bit the same anxieties and undertake them also the same kind of resistance when being weaned from their colonies. The British were the first to suffer from this syndrome but it enabled the French to learn a lesson. Thus, when the turn of metropolitan France has come to give back their freedom to African States, they gave these countries a semblance of independence while maintaining their grip on their economies, particularly on trade of agricultural raw materials and mining. Afterwards, the French have negotiated hard with their European counterparts, as we suspect, for the privilege to “supervise” the agricultural aspects of trade relations between European Union (UE) and Africa. Britain, the other former great colonial power on the continent, had to acquiesce in this pre-established European consensus at the time of its late accession to the EU.

Regarding the EU’s policy towards the African agribusiness sector, the position of France was preeminent. This is a huge lever that Metropolitan France has used strongly to maintain their lifestyle, otherwise largely unjustified for a power that has continued to lose its luster for seventy years. But the declared Brexit risks actually putting an end to that kind of « windfall economy » dating back to colonial times. This could have been ended in the late seventies already. At that time, Great Britain (GB), with an economy in free fall, resigned itself to accepting the help of the IMF. The average salary of an English engineer was the equivalent of three hundred Swiss francs, a monthly sum allocated in Switzerland in these times to a young apprentice. So, many countries in the world have recruited English engineers at will, for their fundamental research, application or in operational businesses. Switzerland was in this case. But India also who has not regretted because the engineers involved were among the best trained internationally in large schools and British universities that have been, and remain at the cutting edge of scientific progress and technique in the world. If India has managed the feat of feeding a population equivalent to that of China for a territory just above one third of the middle kingdom with unfavorable weather conditions, this is thanks, in particular, to an approach inspired the expertise and the British engineering. But because of a tight stranglehold of metropolitan France on our economy, we have not been able, here in Morocco or in West Africa, to take advantage of this windfall of highly skilled British workers. It would have helped to shape our policy in the agro-industrial sector more in favor of Africa.

Of the three basic needs of human beings, love, food and water, only the first has been sublimated. The Taj Mahal, for example, was built by an emperor for the love of a woman. As for need of food and drink, we share them with the other mammals. For this reason, the person who has nothing to eat, or drink, is willing to risk his life for sustenance. This is what is happening for some time now with the migration of African youths to Europe. Many factors contribute to this distress that was, in many of our countries, simply masked by kind of asymmetrical barter designed and implemented by colonial France for its African colonies that the metropolis has extended beyond the “semblance of independence”. But when the other EU countries realized that the main winner of the CAP (Common Agricultural Policy) was France for their own African policy they,   the British in forefront, initiated a sort of revolt to change things; that is to say, to pay less for CAP so less money to go to French pockets. Since then, France has begun to feel the limits of its policy labeled “Françeafrique” which was in part possible thanks to the permissiveness of the EU policy, led by Germany, towards the metropolis. The British were a net contributor to the CAP while the French have been a net recipient. Now that the GB slammed the door, the Germans soon realized they would have to dig deep in their pockets so actual CAP policy can continue. In this respect, the “Spiegel Online” reported in its international delivery of 25 June « … The common agricultural policy, for example, has for decades been nothing but a gigantic money redistribution machine without a discernible added benefit for Europe…». It is understood that France has been the main beneficiary of the CAP and it is high time that such a system be stopped.

There is still something not so orthodox in the reaction of France on Brexit, relayed by the President of the EU Commission. For if, as the French do not cease to repeat, the UK is heading towards a catastrophe, and then the matter is heard. People will see it and they will be discouraged to follow suit. There is no need to add anything requiring the British to finish now and immediately in haste their union with the EU while regulations gives them two years to do it. It seems more likely that this overreaction is rather a reaction of someone who loses his temper on occasion a greater danger than he imagined without that one knows exactly what it might be. Could it be the fear of an accelerating mechanism towards the removal of the French stranglehold on the economy of much of Africa? We beginning to suspect that France would like to see are applied to the UK as soon as possible the simple rules of international trade without further privilege as is the case for the USA with the difference that the UK does not weigh too heavy. And, above all, to make the “Brits” suffer by applying the rules on non-tariff barriers as it do for other African countries, for example. But then, we must remember that at the base, ISO standards that the French require loudly for the export of African food products on the EU market come to more than two thirds of British standards and the GB has quite right to claim authorship. It therefore seems premature, in this case, the student to lecture the Master at this stage of the showdown.

But if the “Brexit” calls into question the entire EU policy to date, it is there a dimension that could play favorably for us Africans. First, the British will be released from their attitude of reserve vis-à-vis the policy that France, in the name of the UE, carry out in Africa and the UK could then give us the benefit of interesting initiatives to develop African trade internationally outside the EU. Then it is a country of roughly the same population as France for an area of only about a third of the latter, which is a big importer of large amounts of food and has a great   purchase power. Indeed, the GB is the fifth industrial power in the world, ahead of France. In addition, the British pay our products cheaper outside other intermediaries Franco-European. Finally, closer collaboration of the Kingdom of Great Britain with the Kingdom of Morocco would facilitate our commerce with countries of East Africa, where GB is present, which will benefit the entire continent.

The commercial decline of colonial Europe

Discussion topics and tension abound these days in Europe: Crisis of migrants, Greek Crisis, “Brexit”, unemployment above 10%, sluggish growth, repeated strikes, questioning of Schengen space, scourge of terrorism, conflicts with Russia, Turkey and so on. It is undeniable that  colonial Europe go through a bad time and it is known, people with loss of energy have easy nervousness such as their threat to block discussions on TAFTA (Trans Atlantic Free Trade Agreement) also known as  TTIP (Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership) or in French PTCI (Partenariat transatlantique sur le commerce et l’investissement). It is true that during the Cold War, the Europeans were pampered by Uncle SAM. Militarily, they were assisted in their defense against the Soviet empire and the economic weight of the assistance greatly supported by the US. On the commercial side also, the US is obliged to channel much of their trade with Africa via their representatives in Europe. But since the fall of the Berlin Wall, points of reference have moved and the center of gravity of the world trade has shifted to Asia. So, for fear of being overwhelmed, the US had to adapt their policies by focusing their all-out efforts on the Asian region which allowed them to sign the recently TPP (Trans-Pacific Partnership) with eleven other countries Pacific Rim. Some Europeans considered this US shift, which contrasts with the past, as a treason and continue to voice their anger and frustration that they express more or less in a cryptic manner. They argue being afraid, when TAFTA is concluded, of the flooding of European market with the US chlorinated chicken. European consumers already scalded from so many health problems of food, are very receptive to the kind of creepy messages to which they react on edge. But this rejection of the innovation is not new in itself and has already been observed there a century ago when we came to chlorinate water for drinking. Today is the WHO which prescribes and all countries submit to water chlorination without problems. So, the European behavior is it merely a reaction to a powerful competitor because they are losing ground without knowing what to do to catch up? Some information would tend to support this view. First, it is no coincidence that the European recriminations regarding TTIP are mainly related to the agri-food sector. Indeed, for widely known considerations, agri-food sectors in Latin America and Asia are well advanced and have developed expertise they export around the world, what makes them escape the influence of some ill defined European standards. By cons, African countries, French speaking in particular, are still living under the stranglehold of French standards, a kind of yoke designed to attach them firmly to Europe via France. In these circumstances, the conclusion of a TAFTA would let Europeans be perceived as favoring commercial transactions according to US standards and there would be every reason for Africa in doing the same. This would probably be a fatal blow to the monopoly that colonial Europe continued to own for centuries on the African agribusiness sector. It is therefore likely that the discussions between the US and Europe drag on about TTIP without any conclusion on the horizon. Loopholes that may allow European saving time, where the EU has become Master, abound. The EU is gaining time for years now about the Greek debt in postponing every time the deadline to apply the appropriate solution (debt reduction) on which there is a global consensus. The EU also continues to postpone the imperative to sit on rational bases all its food standards in putting forward its precautionary principle every time they suspect that their competitiveness is undermined by the other powers of agribusiness world. With Africa, the UE plays to make preferential trade agreements with the unacknowledged purpose to win time. This is the case for ALECA (Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement) between the EU and Morocco. Under the agreement, Morocco should align its regulation on that of the European Union, in the food industry with regards this article, to enable a more open EU market, and therefore exporting more of its fresh and processed products. To this end, the Moroccan regulation of food safety and related texts perfectly fit the views of EU food law that apply to the agribusiness including the controversial precautionary principle. The enactment of the new law 28-07 in 2010 has further strengthened this convergence. Despite this, the trade balance of Morocco vis-à-vis the EU has continued to deteriorate. Interviewed some time ago about this, the leaders of the EU mission in Morocco have simply responded that needed more effort and more patience for ALECA to yield results. However, the implementation of convergence, which is costly to the state and businesses, was supposed to be accompanied by a significant reduction of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS) and other trade barriers for a better customs transit of our products export to the European market. The paradox, or the conjuring trick, is “with convergence” or not, many of our products are rejected for reasons outside the Codex Alimentarius. Indeed, most of the time, goods are rejected in relation to non-compliance with a criterion or another falling within the EU regulatory maze. It should be recalled that the Codex Alimentarius is the repository that the WTO uses to motivate his positions on agri food disputes between states. But apparently, this system is not good enough, or well enough, to allow the EU to lock, if and when they wish, doors of EU market for denying entries of African products without having to render account anybody. And what applies to the Moroccan ALECA “today will apply to another” African ALECA” tomorrow. The colonial Europe really needs to realize that the time has come for it to make a serious effort to break free of his procrastination which has lasted for too long in the eyes of its business partners worldwide.

The African agribusiness seeking its way

Around ten years ago, a large food processing group of Casablanca asked for my expertise on the customs blocking of one of its products (frozen squid imported from Latin America) due to unsatisfactory results of microbiological testing as stated by an official laboratory. The local general manager of SGS, the company that certified the quality of the product at the start, which has been informed, then phoned me to get news “about the steps that I intended to take to resolve this incident quickly”! I received at the same time a fax from SGS France “to show me how to do that kind of food testing”. To my question of why the fax, the manager of the Moroccan subsidiary said knowingly: “to indicate how the control in question must be made; because we do not know how the laboratories of the Moroccan State do their working”. But I learned from source close to the case file that SGS France, probably judging that such precautions were not sufficient to ensure the entry of the product on the Moroccan market, and assert its primacy on the expertise of the product by the same occasion, approached a powerful French organization established here in Morocco who contacted the former director of ONSSA (National Health Security Office of Agri Food products) that ordered an additional analysis which “has been  favorable” for the rapid transit of the product to the Moroccan market. My work expertise (not done) was bound to weigh less heavy than a phone call from these people! More recently, working for a company of Tetouan that exports seafood on Europe (Spain in particular), I asked them for what reason they   refer themselves to French regulations in their files submitted to EACCE (Autonomous Establishment of Export Control and Coordination) while our regulations for agri food business recommends, after the 28-07 law of food safety, to refer rather to the Codex Alimentarius. Their response was that without it (reference to French standards), their products would have been denied entry to the European market! My archives contain many actually comparable examples, including some related to other African countries, which all tend to show that, as regards the food industry, which is of particular interest to the Europeans, what matters to european stakeholders is the selling of their goods in Africa as they wish and to buy raw materials according to criteria fixed and validated by themselves. But this is obviously draped in “standards” and “expertises” whose sole motive would be “the protection of consumers and the environment.” And if we dare to question the attitude of these people who give lessons, they have every time the “appropriate” response. Codex standards, for example, are often criticized because “outdated or less protecting European consumers.”In essence, European operators, based on their own standards and expertises, behave, for what concerns the import / export of African raw materials and finished products in the food industry, in conquered territory. We can legitimately ask ourselves what your Supervisory Authority ONSSA, which is supposed to ensure the application of Moroccan law on the national market, are they doing in those moments. The reality is that the agri-food trade with European countries, both in the case of Morocco and for other countries of West Africa, is using mainly metropolitan France as the access door. Then there’s that many among the current Moroccan officials or their African counterparts, who went through the public school until not long ago, concede that our school curriculum, largely inspired from the colonial era, were designed to make us learn more about France than about ourselves and, within this package, the thinking and French working approach to the point that that has become the standard for most of our civil servants. Our thinking has become confused resulting in a lack of confidence in ourselves outside the French argument guardianship. We can do the same kind of observation about all of francophone Africa. Hence the ambiguity of the attitude of our officials who want independence for their countries, but within France and who cares if the French themselves admit that their late arrival on the Anglo-Saxon is explained among other things by the rigidity of their standards and the behavior on the workplace. Some of my friends, particularly Francophiles, say that the US has not do better.   It is true that after World War II, the US had occupied Germany as well as Japan and South Korea. If we take the latter as an example, which was underdeveloped at that time and among the poorest in the world, which is still the case for the northern half of the divided country, it is difficult to argue that  South Korea  is a country in need for the moment. Indeed, trade of the Asian country with the US alone exceeded one hundred and ten billion dollars in value in 2014! In order that this Country is buying and selling as many to the US, it took a intense preparation. Thus, between the fifties and the late seventies, the US has invested more money in South Korea than what all Africa received as investment in the same period. The European colonizers have not had   less financial capabilities during the same period. But while the United States saw their interest in building productive capacities, and the resulting prosperity, for Germany as well as Japan as South Korea, so they become creditworthy partners and able to pay for the made in the US, France was interested in keeping its former colonies penniless and debilitated as far as possible. This allowed Paris at the same time to sell so many of its products, difficult to sell elsewhere, at a credit rates for which  Paris was the only judge, and link its assistance to the further exploitation of the resources, raw materials and others, of its former colonies. The result, in contrast to the example of Korea, is that of the African countries in question, there are who is in a situation worse than at the dawn of their independence!

Finally, as regards the food industry, the vast majority of experts consider it concentrates most of the non-tariff barriers to trade. While regulation of the WTO (World Trade Organization) recommends taking into account “the needs of developing countries in the definition of standards”; the fact is that these poor countries, mostly in Africa, are far from making their voices heard in the forum in question. For this it is necessary that African countries realize that without food self-sufficiency, that European countries have enshrined in their constitutions after the Second World War already, it is unrealistic to think that the poor young jobless Africans will stop of dreaming of the chimera of the european Eldorado and trying to get there   with all the social and human disasters that go with it. This goal will certainly require years to be reached. But one thing can be done immediately to improve the benefit for Africa on trade within the food sector with other parts of the world: the creation of an African structure that is dedicated to issues of food processing expertise.